What to know about Myanmar's civil war, which is complicating earthquake relief efforts

The army’s ability to facilitate or block food and other assistance has been described as a way of weaponizing aid. Critics of the military government have called repeatedly for outside assistance to be delivered directly to areas under control of the resistance.

The military, which has directly or indirectly ruled Myanmar most of the time since independence, seized power from Suu Kyi’s government as it was about to begin a second five-year term. She and leaders of her National League for Democracy party were jailed, and security forces put down pro-democracy demonstrations with deadly force, leading to the growth of armed resistance, and the army in turn escalating its violence.

Despite a huge disadvantage in weaponry and manpower, pro-democracy fighters allied with ethnic minority groups seeking greater autonomy have successfully battled back, and analysts believe they control a much greater share of territory.

The resistance is coordinated by the self-styled National Unity Government, whose claim to legitimacy is that it was formed by elected lawmakers. The NUG, which operates underground, has an armed wing called the People's Defense Force.

The PDF is largely a conglomeration of locally formed defense groups, poorly armed but usually with the advantage of fighting on home ground. Their ethnic allies are much more experienced and have even managed in some cases to manufacture their own weapons.

The National Unity Government said in an announcement Saturday that the PDF will implement a two-week pause in offensive military operations starting Sunday in earthquake-affected areas, while retaining the right to self-defense.

It said it would collaborate with the U.N. and international nongovernmental organizations "to ensure security, transportation, and the establishment of temporary rescue and medical camps,” in the areas it controls. It also offered to provide health care professionals loyal to its resistance movement to work with international humanitarian organizations to deliver emergency rescue and medical services in areas under the military’s control, if provided with safety guarantees.

The PDF fighters rarely mount large-scale offensives, sticking mainly to defense and ambush-style attacks, so its ceasefire would be largely symbolic. By taking the moral high ground, it gives its supporters a stronger argument to push for the unrestricted distribution of aid.

Although the military government has made the rare gesture of soliciting foreign emergency aid, its critics are skeptical that it will deploy it fairly and effectively.

The military’s record is discouraging. For instance, it initially refused to allow in foreign rescue teams or many emergency supplies after Cyclone Nargis in 2008, which resulted in well over 100,000 deaths, and tens of thousands more left unaccounted for. Even after it agreed to accept foreign help, it was with severe restrictions.

When Cyclone Mocha ripped into the coast in May 2023, the military's relief efforts were again tardy, and as in 2008, private relief missions were discouraged, as was reporting. Property damage was heavy and while 145 deaths were officially acknowledged, independent accounts put the total at over 400.

There are examples in other countries when the effort to rebuild after natural disasters have played a part in helping to restore peace to areas torn by conflict, most notably in Indonesia’s Aceh province after it was devastated by the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami.